mike watkins dot ca : December 3 2008 Archives

December 03 2008

First Python 3 Web Application Framework?

From the QP mailing list, Wednesday December 3 2008:

Today the MEMS Exchange released updates of 5 software packages: Durus, QP, Qpy, Sancho, and Dulcinea.

You can find details and downloads at the usual location: http://www.mems-exchange.org/software/

These packages require Python 2.4 or higher, and yes, they even work with Python 3.0.

It does seem that perhaps QP 2.1 and friends is among the first if not actually the first web and database development packages available on Python 3.0 which was released today.

(Previously I've written about QP's templating system, Qpy, and a performance increase moving from Python 2.5 to 3.0.)

Stockwell Day In Coalition With Bloc?

Even as Stockwell Day today claimed in Question Period that he would "never" sign a pact with the Bloc Quebecois, details emerge this afternoon that as leader of the Canadian Alliance Mr. Day did exactly that.

Its pot-calling-kettle-black day in Ottawa.

Bloc part of secret coalition plot in 2000 with Canadian Alliance:

OTTAWA — The separatist Bloc Québécois was part of secret plotting in 2000 to join a formal coalition with the two parties that now make up Stephen Harper's government, according to documents obtained by The Globe and Mail.

The scheme, designed to propel current Conservative minister Stockwell Day to power, undermines the Harper government's line this week that it would never sign a deal like the current one between the Liberal Party, the NDP and the Bloc. Daniel Leblanc, Globe and Mail, December 3, 2008

Today in the House of Commons we witnessed both Harper and Day shouting at the Opposition over the prospect of losing government to a coalition, even as more evidence surfaced showing both Harper and Day as leaders of their party have themselves set the wheels in motion to do exactly what the opposition parties have agreed to do: form a coalition government.

Neither Day nor Harper bothered to consult with their caucus or members. Nor did former Progressive Conservative leader Joe Clark, the third party in the 2000 agreement with the Bloc Quebecois.

See the attached scanned copy of the 2000 Canadian Alliance-Progressive Conservative-Bloc Quebecois coalition agreement.

Doubtless these historical revelations will play a role in the Governor General's decision.

Bill Good Gets It Wrong

On this morning's Bill Good show - right wing talk-back radio here in Vancouver - Mr. Good wonders aloud where all the good folks from Vancouver-Kingsway are on the potential defeat of the Harper government by a coalition. Good implies there may be some sort of double standard in the comparing today's community response to that over David Emerson jumping from Liberal to Conservative parties less than 24 hours after the ballots were counted.

Before responding to Good's challenge, let me first turn the question around.

Where were you, Bill Good, when Emerson ignored the will of the people here?

I'll answer for Good: You were silent on the issue. Sure, the Emerson affair made for good copy on the more pedestrian CTV nightly news show you anchor, but it was clear from your ongoing commentary on talk radio that you never took the side of real democracy and indeed in later times you expressed nothing but support for Emerson.

As for where voters here are on the issue, I imagine there are a mixed range of thoughts and emotions, many of which are bound to be as ill-informed as is clearly in evidence all across this country. The parties, and fairly we can single out the Conservatives especially, are further confusing the public with overheated rhetoric and misinformation as to the nature of our parliamentary system of governance.

Speaking personally, not as a spokesperson for the Campaign to De-Elect David Emerson, I opposed what Emerson did not because he had no right to do it as an MP (he did have the right) but because he violated the trust of voters. Had he sat as a CPC back bencher and voted along the same lines as he had as a Liberal, I'd have had much less of an argument with him. However by accepting a cabinet position, Emerson was duty bound to work against the very campaign platform he was elected upon, and that is a breach of trust. I support anti-floor crossing legislation because more often than not floor-crossing results in such undemocratic flip flops.

As for the current drama, it would be helpful if the media could at least de-mystify the proceedings. What is being proposed is entirely democratic - a majority of members in the House of Commons are not Conservative Party MPs, and they represent a majority of Canadians who elected them from across the country. Thus from a democratic principles perspective, it is easy to support the right of the opposition parties to try to form a government, whether one agrees with the outcome or not.

Whether now is the time for such a move, and whether such a coalition can ultimately be successful in delivering positive results for Canada, are entirely different questions.

When the furore in Ottawa has died, and when the economic issues facing the country have been well addressed, parliamentarians and Canadians should return their attention to one of the root problems in our country: Our first past the post electoral system. In the past my traditionalist tendencies have prevented me from accepting it was time to change our antiquated electoral system based on plurality voting. I'm not so hesitant these days.

2004: Harper On Conservative-Bloc Coalition

Macleans' Kady O'Malley unearths some background material from one of NDP Leader Jack Layton's books, Speaking out louder. Layton writes about the last attempt at forming a coalition, one which was driven by Stephen Harper and Gilles Duceppe -- a coalition or minority government dependent on the Bloc Quebecois (Chantal Hébert also writes today) -- the very scenario Harper now blasts the opposition parties for having dared to agree upon. Petulance is a word that comes to mind.

Waiting outside Mr. Harper’s office for our meeting to begin, I asked Mr. Duceppe what he thought would happen if the prime minister refused to accept such an ultimatum. He replied that a government defeat so soon after a general election meant the Governor General would then have to turn “to one of us” to form a government. We both knew that meant Stephen Harper and his Conservatives. I asked Mr. Duceppe if he could accept such an eventuality. He was not only clear that he could, but he would.

Stephen Harper, while less inclined to brinksmanship, nevertheless warmed to the seduction of Mr. Duceppe’s strategy. Under this scenario, Mr. Harper would become prime minister in an informal alliance with the Bloc. Unthinkable? Not to either Mr. Harper or Mr. Duceppe. The Bloc leader was willing to strategize for Stephen Harper to become prime minister, despite the Conservatives’ many negative policies - policies completely contrary to the desires and values of most Quebecers. While shocked, I could not say I was surprised. ”Speaking out louder” by Jack Layton (p. 340)

Here in late 2008 it appears that Mr. Harper has shed his aversion to brinksmanship.

Poll: Only 35% Support Conservatives

Angus Reid has published a national public opinion poll giving us one of the first reads on where Canadians' heads are at over the drama playing out in Ottawa.

Which of these statements comes closest to your own view?

  • 35% - The Conservative party deserves to continue in government
  • 40% - The Conservative party does not deserve to continue in government
  • 25% - Not sure

If the Conservative minority government is defeated, what would be your preferred solution?

  • 32% - Holding a new federal election
  • 37% - Allowing the opposition to form a coalition government (two or more parties are represented in the cabinet)
  • 7% - Allowing the opposition to govern by accord (a party is supported by one or more parties that do not have representation in the cabinet)
  • 24% - Not sure

44% support some form of government leadership by the current opposition while only 32% are prepared to settle this through a new election.

The report goes on to say:

Some striking regional references are evident when Canadians assess the Tory administration. Quebecers are clearly in favour of toppling the current government (53%), while a majority of Albertans believe the Conservatives should remain in office (53%). A slight plurality of Ontarians (39%) believes the Tories deserve to stay, while respondents in British Columbia are evenly split.

Harper has chosen a scorched earth approach to handling this latest challenge to his leadership and is burning many bridges behind his apparent retreat from Quebec. How can it help national unity to see him and his ministers, including those who are normally friends to Quebec and ought to know better, whipping up anglo regions in the country, rekindling or fomenting anew hysteria and anger over la Quebecois.

Lost among the chest beating is one simple fact: Not every citizen who cast a vote for the Bloc Quebecois is a separatist. Harper risks turning the tide on separatist thought, which had been receding over the past decade, back to land.